Insecurity-hit Nairobi has lessons to learn from the safest town
in East and Central Africa — Garissa. It has been described by the
International Police as the safest town in the region, yet Garissa, the
seat of North Eastern Province, is legendary as Kenya’s trouble spot.
Located 380 kilometres north-east of Nairobi, the town is the gateway to
the expansive province.
In days gone by, nobody could
venture into the town without security escort. In fact, Ukasi Centre,
located on the Mwingi-Garissa highway, carried the heavy symbolism of
the divide between the so called Northern Frontier District and “Kenya”.
Here, vehicles had to be kept for hours before being escorted to
Garissa in a convoy as the region became synonymous with banditry.
That’s
no longer the case, and the town could well be a model of how cattle
rustling-prone areas of North Rift and Upper Eastern can be rescued.
Perhaps, what has not changed is the harsh climatic condition. And the
landscape. As one descends on the smooth road down the high ground
overlooking the town, buildings dot the undulating valley that hosts the
town, giving a spectacular view.
The mighty River Tana
offers great relief from the scorching heat and gives a welcoming feel,
a prelude to the peace that any visitor is assured of across the
bridge. Choking under decades of sectarian fights and the hallucination
of secessionist struggles right from the colonial days, the province and
its headquarters has undergone an improbable metamorphosis.
But
Kenyans in other provinces are yet to come to grips with this
refreshing reality, even as high profile delegations from neighbouring
countries have been to this region to share the experience. The latest
such team to be hosted early this year by the Garissa Peace and
Development Committee (GPDC) was a delegation from Uganda.
“This
is the most peaceful province in the whole country. The biggest problem
is perception, particularly when you mention the word north — North
Eastern Province, North Rift,” says James ole Seriani, the provincial
commissioner. “North Eastern is a victim of geographical confusion. At
times people call me to find out how we are doing when banditry cases
are reported in places like Isiolo and Marsabit. These places are in
Eastern Province,” says the administrator, adding that there has not
been any single cattle rustling incident recorded in the province in the
past 20 years.
This contrasts sharply with other
regions choking under the weight of insecurity fuelled by small and
light weapons in the hands of civilians. In North Rift, for instance, a
more deadly form of cattle-rustling in which raids are well planned and
executed with military precision characterised by modern weapons, has
raised concern. This has resulted in the current exercise to mop up
illegal arms.
But this approach may not be enough and
there could be a few lessons that can be borrowed from the experience of
NEP. Kenya’s colonial government enacted several laws specifically
targeting the north. The Outlying District Ordinance of 1902 effectively
declared the Northern Frontier District (NFD — made up of the
present-day districts of Wajir, Mandera, Ijara, Garissa, Isiolo, Moyale
and Marsabit) a closed area; movement in and out was only possible under
a special pass.
The Special Districts
(Administration) Ordinance of 1934, together with the Stock Theft and
Produce Ordinance of 1933, gave the colonial administrators extensive
powers of arrest, restraint and detain residents, and also to seize the
property of “hostile tribes”, effectively legalising collective
punishment of tribes and clans for the offences of their members.
Residents
saw this as a betrayal, and boycotted the 1963 independence elections.
Matters were not helped by the ensuing Shifta War. Somalia broke
diplomatic relations with Britain and supported the secessionists.
Kenya’s independent government was firm in its resolve not to cede an
inch of its territory. Two weeks after independence, it declared a state
of emergency over the NFD, which lasted for close to 30 years.
Ironically,
the architect of the present-day peace, former PC Mohamud Ali Saleh,
used tactics similar to the colonial policy. Known as The Saleh
Strategy, the peace drive involved holding responsible, any provincial
administrator in whose area of jurisdiction banditry is reported.
“Different
clans were fighting over issues like theft or rape. There was no basis
for the costly clashes,” recalls Mr Osman Abdi, the chairman of GPDC.
Launched in 2001, the strategy involved using clans to apprehend
criminals among them by confiscating their livestock, especially camels,
to force cooperation with law enforcers.
“Once you
detain a Somali’s camels, he will submit easily,” Mr Abdi says. Aware of
the risks of illegal arms among the population, the Ministry of
Northern Kenya and other Arid Lands, through the Armed Violence
Reduction Project, run by the Arid Lands Resource Management Project,
has been engaged in a mop-up exercise since 2004.
“We
believe that the history of conflict is partly resource-based and can be
resolved by addressing issues surrounding sharing of water and
pasture,” says Abdi Mohammed Abdi, the project’s regional coordinator.
In its campaigns, the project has particularly targeted women to help
persuade their men and sons to give up the gun for peace. “What we tell
women is that they don’t participate in clan feuds because they don’t
have guns, but their men do,” Mr Abdi says.
Working
through district and divisional peace committees, the project also
promotes cross-border dialogue between the residents and their
neighbours from Ethiopia and Somalia. Such efforts have seen the
recovery of a Ministry of Education vehicle stolen by Somalia militias
in Mandera last year.
Now the Somalia conflict is
posing new threats to the region as militia fights spill over into Kenya
as happened when Al Shabaab militants pursuing fleeing Hizbul Islam
rivals injured and abducted some Kenyans in Dadajabula Village, 200
kilometres south of Wajir Town. “We initiate dialogue between elders on
either side of the border. We insist that the border shall remain closed
unless stolen property is returned,” Mr Abdi said.
This
way, despite the porous border with lawless Somalia and the close to
300,000 Somali refugees in Dadaab, the region rarely records highway
robberies. Talking of infrastructure, there are no roads. Dusty, sandy
and badly damaged donkey paths, stretching for miles on the flat lands,
are what passes for roads in the entire province. The only true road is a
10-kilometre stretch from Garissa to Modika Centre that is the junction
of the roads to Wajir and Dadaab.
Recently, the Nation
embarked on a gruelling 10-hour 650-kilometre journey from Garissa
to Kotulo Centre on the Garissa-Mandera “highway”. The “roads” are
littered with trucks that have broken down, their owners forced to seek
for help hundreds of kilometres away.
The endless
stretch of “road”, coupled with non-existent lakes formed by sun mirages
and temperatures gravitating towards 35 degrees centigrade makes any
visitor rue the decision to venture into this forgotten land. “This
region needs functional roads, communication and electricity to unlock
its potential. As long as these are lacking, our efforts to address
pressing issues will be undermined,” Mr Seriani says.
Source: Daily Nation
Publish Date: 6/18/2010
Last Updated: 6/18/2010
Source: Somaliwide +